Thursday, July 8, 2010

The Idea of Photography, Before Photography

Photography was announced to the world in 1839, by a showman named Louis Daguerre, who did not make the first photograph. That distinction belongs to his research partner, Nicéphore Niépce, a French chemist who lived in Le Gras. Niépce is remembered today for being the first person to make a photograph that lasted; to some, this makes him the best candidate to be photography's "inventor." This means he was the first to properly combine the chemistry and the optical machinery to fix an image with light alone, and in doing so described the view from his laboratory window one day in 1826.


It's amazing the picture survives. Not only because it was lost until in 1951, but because the image remains intact. The most difficult part of photography's invention, scientifically, was not getting an image but keeping it. Lots of people were able to get an impression, but it would disappear as soon as it was exposed to light. Though amazing, these triumphs were not yet photography as we think of it. The idea of a fixed image is essential. The larger idea of photography also consists of ideas about depiction that were developed long before the first photograph, which means photography is not just a mixture of sunlight and silver.

Szarkowski's chapter "Before Photography" describes the ideas about picture-making that led up to the eureka moments of 1820s and 30s. To do this he must decide what the idea of photography is so that he can look back into art history and find its conceptual ancestors in depiction, and he comes up with a rather eloquent way of putting it: "The more difficult question is, where, and how, did the idea evolve, that one might catch a picture in a net, as one might catch not just the butterfly but the piece of sky in which it flew?"

I think this is a pretty good way of describing the act of photography, the opportunity to fix just a part of space and time. Though we disparage photography for not being more truthful about its representation of space and time, even just a little bit more like cinema, the fact is that more space and time were never really part of the desire to "catch a picture." This desire, Szarkowski claims, perhaps with good reason, comes from the pictorial tradition that developed many hundreds of years before photography, and so was not itself a purely eureka moment: no one penned a wish to catch the sky and the butterfly as a picture until the photographic process had nearly been invented.

We're going to spend a lot of time dealing with the various kinds of "truths" that photographs and other mechanically produced images might provide us, but for now let's consider one or two truths that the pictorial tradition that gave us photography managed to evolve. Though the suggestion of three-dimensional space has arguably been a part of depiction in the west for millennia, the most important leap forward in that endeavor occurred in the middle of the 15th century with the unification of the principles of perspective drawing by Leon Battista Alberti. Alberti described how one might be able to draw a figure, or really any space, by subjection of that space to a grid. Here we see that process in playful engraving by the German master Albrect Durer.


Durer made this engraving a full 50 years after Alberti published his treatise, which perhaps explains his comedic take. So much for sensuality in the artistic process; the most voluptuous model in Italy gets sectioned apart to fulfill the desire of a man who wouldn't know an erection if it were right in front of his nose. Note that Durer renders this scene in a more retrograde style of perspective than his fictional artist will likely deploy; we might remember from Szarkowski's chapter a particularly important progression of how artists using perspective concocted their spaces--from a view from the audience of a "stage," around 1450, towards a view from right on it, perhaps obstructed amidst the actors, about 100 years later.

Here Durer provides a standpoint (the picture's indicated place for the viewer's eye) that at the time would have been nearly passé--we are square with the opposite wall though we stand just to the right of the central axis of the room, thus allowing us to see the grid and the model without obstruction. Albrect Durer was a very great artist, so great that he used this rigid, stage-like rendering of space to mock the emotional rigidity of the process of perspective drawing.

"But there are lots of other places to stand," this picture tells us. "I've given you the full illusion of space, and you just want to be a wallflower?"  Okay, just for the sake of wondering, let's imagine how this scene might have looked a hundred, maybe two hundred years later. One other place that might also work, one that would certainly have caught a photographer's eye in the 20th century, might be just beside, and just behind, the artist's left shoulder, looking towards the model. With this standpoint we would lose two things, both regrettably: the face of the artist and the open air outside. The loss of the artist's face would be a loss for comedy, certainly, but we might be able to evoke amusing asexual intensity if we captured his hands right. In any case, we would stand to gain something rather poignant--the model partitioned, her head, breasts, and right arm in clear view, and her legs seen through the barrier of the grid. The model partially obstructed by the grid that turns her body into asexual sections.

Such a picture would describe something about the perspective drawing process that would not have been possible in Durer's time, for lack of concept or technique or both. What we should take from this hypothetical exercise is not the hypothetical picture, and certainly not a criticism of Durer's imagination, but that the perspective picture, by unifying space so well that the viewer can believe in its fluidity, provides the inspiration for its own evolution. In doing so it also furnishes the limits for its own truth. What the perspective system provides, with intermittently greater dynamism over time, is not just the butterfly and its sky, but an opportunity for us to pretend to be there, looking up. And so there is a trade. If we choose the butterfly and the sky, we can't get what's on the ground. There is a deep, important truth to this experience that picturing before perspective never described.

Wednesday, July 7, 2010

The Organization of Detail

Maynard's chapter concerns photographic detail, and the relationship it has to "fidelity."  As a way of beginning, we should say that "fidelity" is, for Maynard, a way of avoiding the word "truth"--a loaded word in scholarship if there ever was one--but also a way of making the idea of truth concrete and practical with respect to art.  The practical value of the word "fidelity" is that it calls to mind the notion of a proposition's accordance to a particular state of affairs--correctness.  In this case, "photo fidelity" refers to the degree to which a photograph accords with what its viewers believe is being depicted.  As you can tell, this terminology doesn't clean up that mess. 

But there's another mess Maynard wants to clean up first: the notion that photography has changed our perceptual habits.  This was put forward by William Ivins, who was the director of prints at the Metropolitan Museum in New York during the early 20th century, and who stated that people began to "see photographically" during the end of the 19th century, once photographs became easy for the amateur to make, and had begun to appear in print every day around industrializing world.  Maynard also notes that this has been restated by many over the course of the 20th century, including Susan Sontag, an important thinker during the second half of the 20th century who wrote an important book called On Photography.  But Ivins and Sontag aren't clear about what "seeing photographically" means, which forces Maynard to provide that clarity for us.  Does it mean that photographs have enlarged our vision, or narrowed it?  Supersaturated it, or desaturated it?  Caused us to see things as if in a frame?  We can think of many aspects of photography that could, in theory, reform our vision, but Maynard thinks it has not, at least in the way Ivins and others suggested.

The story from New Guinea of the peoples there going wild for photography, film, and recorded voices is usually told to underscore a claim that photographic seeing--in this limited case, understood as the ability to read a photograph--must be learned.  Despite how naturalistic a photograph appears to us, it is anything of the sort for those who have not grown up with them. However, Maynard points out that the shock wasn't so much the photograph, but the indigenous peoples seeing themselves.  This may be overly humanistic, this idea that it's embarrassment or fear that caused their hysterical reactions (like our aversion to our own photographed likeness) and not the technology itself.  But there is surely something to it, particularly if they had never seen themselves in a mirror, as was suggested.  In any case, what Maynard wants to argue is that since we don't need much effort or training to recognize the content in photographs and insert them into our cognitive repertoire, there's not much chance they could, in return, affect our day-to-day perceptual habits.


There's something attractive about Maynard's argument, as much as we still might like the science-fictiony idea that technology is changing how our bodies work.  If we don't have to change much to understand the photograph, then the photograph can't really change us.  Language, if anything, augments our cognition far more than photographs or images ever could.  Our culture and every culture is built upon language--money, corporations, science, government, and marriage would be impossible without language, and surely possible without images--and without language who knows what the content of our thoughts would be like.  Having said that, does Maynard really take into consideration all the relevant aspects of photography that could reorient our perceptions of the world, in order to sufficiently diffuse the claim? 

The one aspect that Maynard considers in detail is detail, since that's what impressed nearly everyone who saw the first photographs.  The daguerreotype especially--the amount of detail that process recorded (as opposed to the first calotype paper-negative process) led at least one commentator to write that it was often beyond the ability of art to match its effects.  This is a surprising claim, not so much for its content but for the fact that it was even said.  The idea that the photograph could ever be superior to traditional arts was dangerous to voice in public; photography's appealing ease of use has always been its most embarrassing trait within the arts.  In any case, whether or not the photograph contained more detail than a painting depends on too many factors to be tested, but certainly no painting ever contained as much detail in such a small area--the daguerreotype was only a few inches long.  Of course, even this distinction needs qualification, for as Maynard is eager to note, there is an important difference between the detail of paintings and the detail of photographs.  Paintings contain infinite detail, but this infinity is mostly the detail of paint, and not of the depicted subject, but as such it is also understood as part of the painting's expressive repertoire.  By contrast, the more grain we see in a photograph, the less detailed we say it is.  Much of the maddening degree of detail we see in photography is the result of our imagination.

But there are two sides to the detail question, especially as it relates to the "fidelity" of the photograph to the world from which it was taken.  On the one hand, a photograph contains more detail than any single perception of ours can take in.  On the other hand, as many commentators have noted, so much of this detail is incidental, and it often unbalances the composition of a photograph, or makes it messy.  Let us consider this photograph from the early part of the 20th century:


It's a crime scene photograph, as you may have guessed.  While the view and subject matter are weird enough to make the photograph interesting forever, the photographer clearly hasn't tried to clean up its mess of detail.  In fact, it's explicitly his job not to.  And even though this photograph would not have been viewed as an autonomous picture, as art, in its time--detectives and prosecutors would have appreciated the photographer's inclusion of the mess behind the head and likely missed the jokey impalement of the ladder, and the guillotiney character of the anonymous machine against the wall--it's worth noting that the haphazard composition of a sordid mystery that would have been it unpalatable to aesthetes of the 19th century would become the goals of many 20th century art photographers, who believed that a messy photograph only heightened the viewer's fear that what they were seeing was real.  How cultivating messes made something appear more real is another important matter to ponder another time.  Here's another picture of the same crime scene.  It would probably be less appealing if we'd never heard of God.

As Maynard notes, the the fact that photographic detail, right from the beginning of the medium, was seen as riches, embarrassing, or both means that we can't separate detail from aesthetics--one would intuit this immediately perhaps, but it's it's important to keep in mind.  Just because we recognize information doesn't mean that we're able to make good sense of it.  This means something interesting with respect to truth and photography.  If the objects described by a photograph aren't organized in a "legible" way--that is, if they aren't depicted well--we won't be able or inclined to interpret them, to "read" them, and make meaning from them.  Please understand that I'm not using these terms of literacy literally--I don't want you to think that we "read" photographs, that much for sure.  They are not based on codes, though many have tried to say they are.  There are too many different pictures for that.  The point, though, is that in order for a photograph to even be a proposition that can accord with a state of affairs, its information, its content, doesn't have a meaning or evoke an experience until it has a form, or otherwise an editorial context--something to indicate to us how to access its contents.  A mess of details is simply a mess, even if it is intricate.  Here is one of Peter Henry Emerson's pictures, which strive for a perfect balance of infinite detail.


Let's compare this to the first of the crime scene photographs above.  In Emerson's picture (British, 1880s), the larger elements are given space to breathe on their own, hardly the case with the crime scene shot.  In Emerson's picture, the mass of incidental grass detail doesn't compete with the man it surrounds, for the light catches on to his bright shirt, and the water in the marsh marks his place on the picture's ground.  Emerson is moreover careful not to describe anything prominently that we can't identify; we would hardly say this of the crime scene photograph.  But both pictures make a metaphorical threat out of their machines--blades and gravity over the unsuspecting subject--a suggestion that really only makes sense with pictorial seeing.  The difference between the two metaphors, though, is that while the crime scene's seems to be a fortuitous juxtaposition by virtue of its haphazardness, Emerson's delicate, precise arrangement makes his metaphor seem like it's contributing to an allegory about birth (the tree), work (the subject), and death (the decaying, threatening windmill).  I hope you all see that the allegory, whatever it is exactly, is more complicated than this.  I will leave it to you to ponder.

Tuesday, July 6, 2010

Photography and Heidegger's "The Origin of the Work of Art"

On day one we talked about photography as an idea--as forming and fixing a picture according to the geometry that structures monocular vision.  It is important for us to remember that the invention of monocular perspective wasn't simply the result of a stand-alone desire to make a picture based on visual experience, but a matter of artists trying out mathematicians,' cartographers,' and surveyors' techniques for their own jobs.  Once its principles were united, and painters began to adopt it (their clients increasingly demanded it), perspective depiction eventually became synonymous with Western peoples' mental image of the word "picture."  But by the time photography came along, in a similar science-meets-art kind of way, a picture might represent aspects of vision other than monocular perspective, like irrational aspects of visual experience (the afterimage, memory, the behavior of light in ultra-short durations of time).  Photography, then, may have been a new medium, but in some respects embraced characteristics of vision that were somewhat passé.

As we learned yesterday though, it also displayed novel pictorial characteristics that amazed the world--most notably, its incredible amount of incidental detail, a boon for nerds and a quagmire for aesthetes.  Photography, despite its desaturation of the visible world, described more visual detail than our brains could ever notice in an "instant."  Aesthetes, including the photographer Peter Henry Emerson, proclaimed that a photographer wanting to use his machine to make art could not let the machine record just anything artful, because it would be lost amidst a forest of detail.  Instead, the photographer would have to organize the incredible amount of detail into a compositional hierarchy so that the eye would be able to see what was most important clearly.  If photographs were going to be appreciated as pictures, and not just as astonishing records of space, then photographers would need to clean up the mess of the world, just as painters had always done, while also taking advantage of their medium's descriptive superpowers.

Thus we discovered that while all photographs may come about from the same chemical process, this hardly means they communicate the same way.  Each gives its information to viewers differently.  This should not surprise us, but given the number of critics who make general claims about the ontology of photography, one would think that all it takes to get to the bottom of what photography is, or does, or means, can be grasped by a feat of intellect.  I would hesitate to do this with regard to any medium, let alone photography, but the philosopher Martin Heidegger seems eager to do this with the very entirety of art.  While this may seem the most foolhardy thing (philosophers for a long time have written overgeneral treatises on "Art"), Heidegger makes a novel contribution to our idea of art, and of truth, by considering the work of art's relationship to the world and earth at large.

As you probably noticed, though, Heidegger's a super traditionalist--he loves the empty Greek temple and romanticizes the starving peasant, and his notions of "world," "earth," and the "origin" of art are derived from what in 1935 would have been his imagination of the distant past.  Today we have ourselves a very difficult task, then.  We consider photography to be art.  Heidegger gives priority to the beliefs of historical peoples, which we are; he's down to say there were gods in the temple, but he doesn't speak of his own people.  I imagine that Heidegger would dodge the question of whether photography can be art; there's a reason why he doesn't offer too many examples.  But that will be our task today.  First, let's go over what Heidegger does.

At the outset, Heidegger tries to ground us in his terminology.  Since "art" is certain but nebulous concept, Heidegger begins by simply differentiating it from other things.  In this initial section, he calls objects "things" because he wants us to understand that objects exist in the world regardless of our concern for them, a point the word "thing" makes better than "object."  "Thing-in-itself," by extension, means something more than "object-in-itself," since the latter is nearly a contraction in terms--an object is always already an object "of something."  Having done that, Heidegger goes over three ways that thinkers have tried to account for the essences of "things."

The first way has been to define a thing by stating its properties--by making a declaration about it, and seeing if it fits it.  Heidegger thinks there's a problem with this method of getting to the thing's essence because it forces us to see the thing in an artificial context, that is, in the terms and structure of the declaration we make about it.  Our statements can be true or false, but they won't get us to the thing-ness of the thing.  They will only get us back to our original proposition.

The second way has been to understand the thing's thing-ness as the sum-total of our sensations of it.  that is, not to limit the thing to our statements about it, but to keep our mouths shut and bask in it.  There would seem to be nothing wrong with this, but Heidegger manages to find something--things rarely show themselves to us all at once, and even if they did, this would not get us close to their essence.  Again, we would limit the thing's thing-ness to our own consciousness.

*Note* The "thing-ness" of the thing is basically the same thing as the "essence" of the thing in Heidegger's way of speaking.  But what is the thing-ness of the thing, its essence, in Heidegger's mind?  This is an important and difficult question, particularly because it isn't clear that our language really allows us to answer it.  It's safe to say that every thing has a different essence--it has to--and for Heidegger, the essence of any thing, or any being, remains concealed from us 99.9% of the time.  When it is at last revealed, at a time not of our own choosing, but by chance, a result of our being in the right mood, the right place, the right time, the essence of a thing overwhelms us.  We don't get to know what a thing means, for essences are never meanings.  The essence of any thing is its utter and absolute singularity as a being in the world, a realization that happens as if a miracle.

The third way, a more promising way, has been to understand the thing as an inextricable combination of matter and form.  At this point Heidegger introduces a new distinction--"mere things" and "equipment."  Mere things are pieces of matter, things that have form but only by default, and not by the intention of a human to form it for use.  The block of granite, for instance, is a "mere thing."  Heidegger says that the matter-form concept does not get us to the essence of mere things because their form simply refers back to their matter.  It is therefore useless to pursue the distinction.

With equipment, however, the matter-form interpretation is *nearly* perfect.  When we step back and think of equipment, like the shoes in van Gogh's painting, we take in their matter--their leather, their dirt, their metal.  Leather dirt metal.  Earth, and flesh.  And this taking-in of the fact of matter is possible because it this fact has come out of concealment--it had been concealed by the form of the shoes, what makes them useful as equipment.  We realize that matter and form are in strife--a push-and-pull, a give-and-take, between the sheer materiality of the shoes, and the concept that formed them.  For Heidegger, the problem with the matter-form interpretation is that when you try to strip away the equipment character of the shoes to get to their thing-ness, you end up stripping away something essential to them as things.  You can't strip away their equipmental character and somehow retain a notion of their form distinct from that of mere things' form.

Equipment is very important for Heidegger's thinking because using equipment is what puts us in our world most deeply.  Being in the world, really being in the world, is for Heidegger not something that happens when we step back and think about it, but when we're in the zone, when we're completely engaged in a particular task at hand.  When the peasant's boots sink into the dirt as she carries a few potatoes back to the house, her feet are protected from the stones, but she doesn't think about this; she makes her way towards the house, thinking about anything but her shoes.  But it is in this way that the shoes thus place her in her world, by being reliable as equipment, by directing her thoughts to tasks at hand.  The moment she thinks "I am so lucky I have shoes" the shoes at that moment cease to be equipment, and the woman is pulled out of her world just a bit. 

So what about art?  Well, for Heidegger, artworks don't put us in the world the way equipment does, they "set up" the world in our imaginations.  Moreover, by giving us this unique relationship to our world, in which art can put the world in our minds, art allows us to fathom something else--the earth that allows our world to exist at all.  The artwork sets up the world and sets forth the earth.  In the case of the Greek temple, it sets up the world of the Greek people by bringing the gods there.  At the same time, its stonyness it also sets forth the earth, the fact that matter in its totality shelters the world.  As Heidegger says, the world is always present with us, not as a thing, but as a unity of things and ideas--culture and nature together, as we engage with both at once--but the earth is always hidden from us when we're most profoundly in our world.  The earth shelters us and makes everything possible.  Yes, the earth is matter, but it is so much more.  It is the fact of matter's existence at all, and the totality of all matter.  This is rarely, if ever, fully available to our consciousness.  For Heidegger, the work of art makes this truth possible.  As he says, the work lets the earth be an earth, and the work of art is the only thing that can put this idea of the earth in our imaginations.

How does the artwork do this if it's just as much a part of the world as anything else?  Well, it does this by holding steady before us, like the earth itself.  It remains a thing, matter formed by concept, like all other things.  But because it sets up a world, not just allowing us to focus on a task at hand, it allows us a much deeper relationship to matter than equipment does.  Artworks put the world into our imaginations, whereas equipment falls away and allows us to focus on a task that puts us most completely in our world; the farther we our in our world, the more distant it is in our imaginations because we're so engaged in with a tiny part of it.  When our imaginations can briefly hold in the world, we can briefly get a sense of earth, the totality of matter that allows for the world to exist, and exist in the form it does.

Okay.  Now this is perhaps possible to understand when looking at the Greek temple, or at van Gogh's shoes.  Color and pigment and paint and ground-up rock set up the world of the peasant woman, albeit for us, and not really for her.  But what about in photography?  As we have seen, the material of photography is comparatively ephemeral.  And a photograph can be on glass or projected on a screen or be silver or be on salt or something incomprehensible like silver salts.  It is not even clear that it is matter at all in this very digital projection.  Thus two things are clear to us.  If Heidegger is describing something essential to every work of art--he actually says great art, but we'll leave taste aside for now--then photography cannot be art at all.  This would be a view that's not really in step with our world.  Either that, or else it requires us to think about the earth and the world a bit differently than even Heidegger does.

Let's say that photography can be art.  If so, it sets up our world.  Perhaps it doesn't set up our world the way the greek temple does--it doesn't serve as a place where the gods show themselves to us, where the village comes to see itself as a village, but these aren't really properties of our world anyway, and this is not how the world "worlds" through van Gogh's painting.  His painting of the peasant shoes, by virtue of its particular aesthetics, and because it was formed by a person in the world with matter from his earth, allows that world to be set up.


For van Gogh, the task is not to describe the shoes in space, but to evoke with every brushstroke their being worn, and wearing down.  Usually we think of multiple brushstrokes comprising one detail, but van Gogh uses one for each detail of decay, and the bent form of each stroke both has and represents the character of worn-downness.  These brushstrokes, in conjunction with their overall horizontal direction in the painting, the picture's insistence on the shoes over the space, and even the shoes' slight off-centeredness in the frame, a subtle but influential feature, work together to invoke the never-ending process of wearing that happens to all things, not least is the person who wears them.

But photography can also set up a world.  Below is a picture of peasant shoes--sharecropper's boots, actually--that Walker Evans made in 1936, just one year after Heidegger gave his lecture.  Evans's picture, albeit more reticently than van Gogh's, sets up a world in our imaginations. 

 

For Evans, the task is necessarily to describe shoes in space.  In fact, his camera does this so well that we see past the desaturation and right into the picture's space: the dirt is real, and the shoelaces are real.  It would seem almost that Evans is merely describing what's there, with no better judgment or skill than you or I might have mustered.  This is not true, but it is, actually, precisely the point.  The picture seems to be authored entirely by photography; the boots' realness in our imaginations, and the distance they seem to be away from us, are qualities that we feel belong to them, because the photograph is made from them, from their energy.  The truth of the picture is that these shoes simply are, and in this sense, it is as Heideggarian a photograph as one could ever imagine.  Evans leaves the shoes to stand alone on dirt.  By isolating them on the earth they walk on, Evans allows the world they hold together as equipment to become real in our imaginations.  By choosing exactly the right angle, the right light, the right shoes, and the right amount of dirt, he creates a picture that, incredibly, leaves us to wonder about nothing more than the austerity of the shoes' existence. Indeed, the picture seems incapable of rewarding other thoughts.  The shoes simply are.

There are many other aspects of this photograph, actually (the orientation of the shoes, the flatness of the tones, the width of the frame) that play crucial roles in helping the photograph to set up the world it does--indeed, change one and the picture might "fail."  This is to say that the world brought forth by this photograph is held up by a tension, like a guitar string perfectly in tune, and able to go out of tune.  There are many photographs that have come to stand for what we think of as our world, even if they're merely fragments of the whole thing.  They can serve the same function that painting can this way, or sculpture, or poetry.  Just like van Gogh, Evans' photograph, by virtue of its unique aesthetics, and because it was formed by a person in the world with matter from his earth, allows that world to be set up.

But Heidegger's claim that the work lets to earth be an earth is a little bit harder to understand with photography.  And thus my controversial claim, which you are free to disagree with if you like: photography does indeed let the earth be an earth, but like the meaning of the word "picture," the word "earth" now encompasses something more than it did for Heidegger.  The earth that photography moves into the open region of a world and keeps it there is an earth whose matter has an historical character: it shelters our world and arrives through science as the harnessing of energy.  For those of you familiar with Heidegger's thought, this sounds like a very un-Heideggarian claim to make, for Heidegger believes that science--or rather, technology--keeps us from the truth of the earth by causing us to think that the earth exists as matter ready-at-hand for our use.  But that's not what I mean.  The science that produced photography essentially changed our way of thinking about our earth, partly into something for us to use, whose properties we needed to unlock, but also as something that was also in the process of becoming.  Photography is absolutely the product of science, and it is the product of an artistic tradition, but in my view of Heidegger's thought here, the former does not preclude it from being the latter.

The matter that exists in the age of photography is set forth by photography itself, by the strife that exists between the earth in the age of science and the world that the products of photography display.  There is, indeed, no photography without the earth, and no pictures without a world.  To the extent that photographs can become pictures--that their details, all incidental, can be formed into something we can understand as a picture, something that might, if great enough, set up the world--then a photograph can do, albeit differently, the things van Gogh's painting does.  But it does something else, if we permit it to.  It reveals another truth: a part of earth that was actually unavailable to the Greeks, as far as art goes--energy.  Heidegger talks of a strife between the earth and the world, but he never talks of this strife changing either of them--this is not strife, this is not a give-and-take, a push and a pull, a dialogue.  If the strife between them continues, then photography continues it anew.  This is one way in which we might consider photography a new medium.

Sunday, July 4, 2010

The New Bodily Experience

Yesterday Jeremy Melius gave us a fantastic lecture about Bruce Nauman's work and Marshall McLuhan's claim that media are the "extensions of man."  McLuhan wanted the idea in our brains that our media are extensions of our body.  Now, you don't need me to tell you this isn't literally true, but as Jeremy explained, the metaphor rang true enough in the 1960s and 70s for other thinkers and artists like Nauman.

Jeremy showed us how Nauman's artwork is a site of contention between his body and his media.  His body gave his works form, and his works, in turn, reformed his body.  Nauman was perhaps the first artist to use his body (and not just his character) as the very thing at stake in his practice.

Jeremy's talk might offer us a new perspective on the "newness" of new media.  Heidegger tells us that the artwork, matter formed into a representation, holds within it the strife between the World (everything that can be represented) and the Earth (the matter that makes everything possible at all).  From this we might say go on to say that "new media" are new because they are also formed from energy--light energy in the case of photography.  But there are other ways in which new media are new to us, and their relationship to our bodies is one of them.

This story begins with the Romantic movement in art and literature, which held that man has a spiritual, not just a rational, relationship to nature, and that an artwork's aesthetics should evoke this fundamentally emotional experience.  In a very liberal view of Romanticism, the spiritual dimension is not necessarily tied to a particular religion, but rather is a yearning for a communion with what is infinitely greater than us.  Perhaps more concretely, Romantic imagery is designed to hit the spectator in the body, to give him or her an overall visceral experience that later becomes an intellectual one.  Here are two Romantic works by the German painter Caspar David Friedrich, Fir Trees by the Snow (1824) and The Monk by the Sea (1806):


Note how much importance the painting places on your presence.  It wants you to experience the fir grove the way you would the front of a gothic church.


The monk stands alone on rugged, windswept terrain.  He is solemn as he yearns for his god, who rose the destructive storm on the horizon, and who eternally shines from behind the tempest curtain.  The painting makes us feel all of these things because its dark malestrom dwarfs us, analogizing us to the monk.  We interpret his spiritual, visceral experience on the rocks to be analogous to our visceral experience of the infinite in the painting. 

And the story begins with the steam engine.  Originally used for mining, the steam engine became the train once people realized it could pull a lot more on rails than coal.  Within a few decades, after the construction of hundreds of kilometers of tracks, countless rail cars, and numerous improvements to the engine itself, the train was blazing across England, Europe, and the US.  The "Iron Horse" seemed so powerful it was often called "sublime."  In the late 18th and early 19th centuries, "sublime" was not synonymous with "beautiful," but was a different aesthetic judgment altogether.  Numerous philosophers described it (it was inspired in part by travelers reactions to the massive, jagged Swiss Alps), and while their accounts of it differ somewhat, they all agree that it describes the sensation of unfathomable magnitude or force.  Magnitude or force so great, so infinite, you are unable to muster an image of it in your mind, and it hurts.  The train was unprecedentedly powerful, certainly more than anything mankind had ever built, and while it still wasn't the Alps, it was awesome.

Here's a painting by JMW Turner from 1844 about how awesome the train was.  Its title is Steam and the Great Western Railway.


There are traces of sky behind the wash of yellow steam; the train, by virtue of the severe orthogonals and the visible fire inside the engine, appears to be traveling at incredible speed.  Though still small on the earth, the Iron Horse's fiery plumes, not god, consume the landscape.

But its sheer power was not the only way the train changed our view of the world.  As passengers we were challenged with a new kind of high-speed seeing.  From behind the glass windows, for the first time in human history, the foreground of our vision became inaccessible.  As the background became the focus of our vision, and seeing while traveling essentially became the apprehension of a region's topography.  The smooth ride made it seem like it was the landscape, not the viewer, that moved.  This has been termed "panoramic perception," and it prefigures our apperception of motion picture technology.

Because the train required a more or less level path (it didn't do so well going up or downhill), we changed the landscape to suit it.  The train represented the great promise of speedy industrial capitalism, and mountain ranges that once instilled the feeling of the sublime became more or less engineering problems.  The train allowed us to see through the mountain and across the canyon.


Here's William England's 1859 photograph Niagara Suspension Bridge.  One of the many virtues of this picture is the way the bridge (which we see was built for the train; second-class privileges provided to those traveling by horse) destroys an otherwise classic landscape arrangement.  What an odd picnic.  The photograph works because it adds the train to the landscape picture with the same abandon that train was added to the landscape.

It is occasionally posited that Modernity inspires Modernism, the artistic movement that rejects the traditions of the past--perhaps the Renaissance notion that art should representation of objects in space, or the Romantic yearning for a communion with nature or the divine.  New ways to make a picture were sought for an age whose ideals were formed by rapid scientific and economic development, and questioning of spiritual doctrine.  We can see the breakdown of the illusion of the picture as a window, towards the picture as a pure form, in the following sequence:


Edouard Manet, French, Luncheon on the Grass, 1863


Claude Monet, French, Impression: Sunrise, 1879


Paul Cezanne, French, Mt. St. Victoire, 1885


Cezanne, Mt. St. Victoire, 1900



Cezanne, Mt. St. Victoire, 1904


Cezanne, Mt. St. Victoire, 1906


Pablo Picasso, Spanish, Ma Jolie, 1911


Jackson Pollock, American, Lavender Mist, 1950


Mark Rothko, American, No. 14, 1960

An important key to understanding modernist works is to recognize the depiction as a self-contained form.  Many modernist works, particularly before the 20th century, derived meaning from the various ways they were breaking away from illusionistic depiction--we can see this in the Cezanne progression most clearly.  As objects became obscured or disappeared entirely, a sensual form remained.  One needed to let this sensual form hit you in the gut, to let it direct your seeing, to begin to understanding the new kind of picture.  One no longer looked "through it" to see objects.  The viewer was no longer a voyeur, with a claim to imaginary power.

However, as the art of the cinema developed, the viewer became ever more the voyeur, while simultaneously becoming more and more "bodily" enveloped by the picture.  Here is one of the first films ever made; we can see how the Lumiere Brothers, in 1895, place their camera in front of the train to heighten the visceral effect of its massive arrival.



The early days of narrative cinema were most heavily influenced by theater; directors thought of the scene as the narrative film's basic unit, and often shot one scene with one take, often (though certainly not always) placing the camera in a "seat of the audience."  We can see this in Edwin S. Porter's 1903 film "The Great Train Robbery."



However, once D.W. Griffith (directing The Birth of a Nation in 1914) figured out how to make the basic unit of narrative cinema the shot, rather than the scene, the art of cinema became greatly expanded.  With "continuity editing," the camera could jump around within one scene or into a simultaneous scene without the illusion of the continuous flow of time being interrupted.  With the sensation of time intact, the sense of continuous, three-dimensional space became greater than it had been in the era of the "theatrical" aesthetic.  And to the extent that the viewer had to identify with the free-flowing camera (which was never to be acknowledged by the actors), the viewer's sense of having his or her own body implicated in the illusion of space reached an unprecedented level in the history of art.

Goodbye, train.  http://www.tcm.com/mediaroom/index.jsp?cid=21892

Saturday, July 3, 2010

Jameson and Postmodernism

So for today you read a very long essay by Fredric Jameson about postmodernism, a condition that I'm sure most of you have heard about, though haven't really taken very seriously. Jameson came up with most of this stuff in the early eighties, and revised it as the decade progressed, during which time more and more critics began to use the term, and look to those who seemed to have invented it--academics--for definition. In the U.S. (and China, where he was treated like a god after being completely misinterpreted) Jameson's work became the standard, go-to account of this phenomenon--which, unlike Modernism, has never been entirely accepted as real.

Why is that? Well, for one thing, the rise of Modernism as an aesthetic movement neatly coincides with the rise of the second industrial revolution--"modernity"--towards the end of the 19th century. Let's consider "modernity" for a second. As we learned yesterday, the invention of the steam engine in the late 18th century led to the development of industrial machinery with greater power than was perhaps comprehensible, and over the 19th century, this power demanded reorganization of labor in and around cities. Particularly towards the end of the century, large factories were built for large machines and work forces, and new neighborhoods had to be built outside traditional city limits to accommodate the influx of machine laborers and sub-industries. The city grew and grew. The factories made their owners predictably very rich, but little of this trickled down to their workers, even as the industrial age grew the middle class. Moreover, the repetitiveness of factory work the inhuman conditions of most factory workplaces had major physical and psychological consequences. Factory work required people to behave like machines. Those who did not work in the factories were lucky but still found themselves surrounded by growing machines and crowds. More than that, the rise of modern science and Darwinism shook the traditional beliefs that had provided solid existential grounding for centuries. One can more clearly imagine the alienation of caused by modern life with these images in mind. It is a bit too obvious a contrast, perhaps, but the life and work of Van Gogh's peasant was never far from the earth or its rhythms. Whatever she made, it was with her hands, and was paid for her labor accordingly, if even more meagerly than the factory worker. Her life, which we now call "simple," perhaps seems so because all of its economic components are readily visible in plain sight--earth, peasant, harvest, trader. The larger and more numerous the corporations, the skyscrapers, and the machines became, the farther away people became from the end-products of their labor, and from clear understanding of their function in society. Consider the fact that office life, as we know it, is impossible to imagine in the 19th century. The office worker was equally alienated not just from the end-result of his labor but from the social site of transaction--few saw customers. Those who worked in traditional street-level stores saw themselves competing with larger and larger faceless corporations who sold a grander and cheaper shopping experience. Even the cities themselves were being rapidly transformed to accommodate trains and streetcars and crowds--long before the skyscraper. Most European cities, built for pedestrian and horse traffic, had to be redesigned to economically accommodate the new suburbanites and rural laborers into the city center. The new, giant shopping arenas (department stores, which eventually morphed into shopping malls) supported a brand new mode of life: shopping as entertainment. Back in the day, you never "browsed"--you'd always as a salesperson at a front desk for what you wanted, and he or she would get it from the back. Anyway, the United States, for its part, didn't have to worry about redesigning much, since its most of its east coast cities were already set up for the new capitalism, and anything west was still in its formative stages.

As a playful illustration of this change during the 19th century, look at these two pictures. Look what happens to Friedrich's monk during the course of the century. In 1804 Friedrich paints the monk in a private moment of reverential solitude and communion. We sense the sublime magnitude of the rising storm and its commiseration with the treacherous black water, but the monk holds steady, perhaps in prayer.



At the end of the century, someone that looks a lot like Friedrich's monk is freaking out.  Note that there is no established historical connection between the two paintings; it's merely a playful coincidence.  Nevertheless, the nominal subject of Munch's painting--an isolated scream, rippling through the paint of sea and air--wouldn't have made any sense in 1806.

French painters resisted these aspects of modern life at first. Many of the Impressionists and Post-Impressionists came to Paris from other parts of France, only to flee the city to work in the idylls of the country. Van Gogh decided to live in Arles towards the end of his life and tried to have a commune there with another painter, Paul Gauguin. Paul Cezanne hated the city. Pissarro painted distant street scenes but is best known for his landscapes, which often contained peasants. The trend in painting in the mid-late 1800s, as I mentioned yesterday, had been towards the subjective depiction of the objective world, the way it appeared as if in a glance or a memory, and to learn from the scientific discoveries that had been made in that era about the action of light on surfaces, such as refraction and additive luminescence. But despite the fact that most of these painters maintained studios in Paris, they seldom depicted the modernity transforming their city. Monet's Gare de St. Lazare from 1877 is a notable exception, not least because it is on loan from Paris right now (along with so many other period masterworks) at SF's De Young Museum. Paper topic, anyone?

By the end of the 19th century, however, most painters who went to Paris, and who had grown up with the realities of modern life already, began to wonder if painting didn't have to be about a prior objective or subjective vision at all--that is, about something the painter either saw, or something the viewer was supposed to pretend to see "through" the painting. What they seem to have learned from the Impressionist experiment was not that painting was good at representing subjective states, but that the material of paint, and the surface on which paint was used, were an untapped expressive medium unto themselves. The very goal of constructing objects in space with paint was to be made as challenging as possible.

So why this turn away from look of the everyday world? Were these canvases supposed to be representations of inner states of mind? All pictures, or all things we call pictures, surely have this quality. A better question to ask might be: what did the move towards more and more abstraction have to do with the realities of modern life? Or was it the case that painters were simply giving the market what it wanted? The second question, though, still in some ways begs the first, and moreover, in Russia and other communist societies abstraction also prevailed. So what made abstraction desirable?

We might have to put off answering this question decisively for a bit, and in fact, it's a question that has no definitive answer anyway. During this time, however--we're now in the early part of the 20th century--photography had become commonplace and movies had become the new rage. Many art historians shudder to think that the aesthetics of painting had been influenced by the popularity and representational power of movies (movies were, we might think, the steam locomotive of depiction), and there is something to this--movies were part of one's public, not private, social life.

(continuity editing section to come)

Now, a word about Modernism. What is the Modernist artwork, across all media, against which we can understand Jameson's account of postmodernism? Well, let's start with Jameson. For him, postmodern aesthetics are marked by heterogeneity, fragmentation, pastiche, endless signifiers, schizophrenia, and disunity. (Warhol)

So what about modernism? Modernism, which many like to call Late Romanticism, is, at least by contrast, an aesthetic defined by its internal unity. As modernism reaches its peak in the early parts of the twenties century, right up to its supposed end (at least as far as painting goes) in the 1950s, the imitation of objects in space is completely of another era. Many would describe these works of high modernism as "purely formal," and as such were meant to produce a very complex and irreplaceable inner state; one could argue if this meant they were also supposed to represent this state, or not. In any case, abstraction isn't necessarily the idea--the central idea of modernism is to produce a work that it at its best on its own, without the help of nature, god, or even the likenesses of objects. Not coincidentally, the powerful engines, modern science and warfare, modern capitalism, and the theory of evolution and the psychoanalytic unconscious together dispelled the need in everyday life for nature or god.

In Jameson's eyes, postmodernism is something very, very different--the opposite, perhaps. Aesthetically, as we've heard, it's disunity and pastiche. What is pastiche?

To be sure, postmodernism is the opposite of modernism in one major respect: postmodern works break down what could have been unbroken formal unity or deep feeling in favor of works that quote the forms and contents of other works--as Jameson says at one point, it is postmodern culture tends to turn upon itself and designate its own cultural production as its content. As a result of this relentless quotation or refusal of unity, Jameson argues, postmodern artworks actively reject the notion of deep affect, or else they are unable to get there. How Jameson knows that deep affect has fled the world of the postmodern is beyond me, I must admit--but in any case, Jameson argues rather convincingly that the postmodern mode of production is built not on churning out representations of deep and pure emotion (there's a reason why that sounds silly to us), but on the cultural production of the recent past. Of course, artworks have always referred to other artworks, in the nineteenth century especially, but this, in Jameson's eyes, is different. And the reason why it's different is that we have entered a third stage of capitalism in which representation, the production of cultural objects, no longer occurs in an autonomous sphere of life, a space or time separate from everyday activity. Thanks to photography, but also advancements in the size and cost of printing images in general, representations are now all around us. This isn't such a big deal per se, but it does mean that images play a much more ubiquitous role in our lives than they did in the nineteenth century. This has a number of important consequences. First, it means that the image really has become the final form of the commodity, the thing we fetish even more than the commodity itself, whose ultra-mechanical production process is something we can only begin to fathom. Just think of the caché that the term hand-made has now--it gives a product even more value in our eyes, not because we can know its process of production better, but because it recalls other images of the hand-made--like van Gogh's peasant shoes. (talk more about this). We're so alienated from the hand-made production of things that we don't, actually, know more about the labor that's required to hand-make something, so we don't know the value of the labor that goes into it--we just assume it's higher quality because someone was there to judge their own work, but this is also just an image--it's very difficult, in this era of capitalism, to have enough everyday contact with processes of production to know much at all about the labor that makes commodities. And these days, there are so many commodities that we can't imagine a world without them--each and every advertisement is also a commodity. And to the extent that we trade on images in our economy, our daily lives and memories are filled with more solicitations of aesthetic experience--more pictures--than ever before. What leads to the postmodern condition that Jameson describes is a generation who has grown up in this world, for whom it seems perfectly natural and reasonable to draw on their life experiences, which have been conditioned by pictures, representations, and corporate culture of all kinds. Jameson doesn't mention this last thing. He understands that postmodernism is an historical moment, but doesn't really describe why it happens. Like most Marxists, he assumes that it's because of changes in the modes of capitalist production, and I tend to agree with him. There would not be so many images, so much cultural production, and if this condition didn't produce so many, they wouldn't all have to compete with each other.

Friday, July 2, 2010

Benjamin's Work of Art in the Age of Its Mechanical Reproducibility

Let's start out with a new picture of shoes.  This is Andy Warhol's silkscreen Diamond Dust Shoes, from 1980.


So far then we have Van Gogh's boots from the 1880s and Walker Evans' sharecroppers' boots from 1936.  Each is a picture very much of its time, though Warhol's especially.  Despite the negative image and the lack of space, we know we're dealing with shoes on sale.  I'll leave you to figure out why.  Warhol's work, often and in this case, deals with the "persona" and not the person, the former in our culture being more accessible, plentiful, transmittable, and therefore--perhaps--more substantial, important, and possibly true in the advanced capitalist society of our time.  Bear in mind that Warhol never made political statements about his art.  One could say that Andy Warhol's work would probably not ring true to us without the age of advertising that we're living in, in which advertisements (or other publicity or mass-media images) are often our first and most common education about things in the world.  For Jameson, this is so postmodern.

Now, let it be known that Jameson's essay is not a discovery of postmodernism, but the crystallization of ideas partly his own, and mostly that had been floating around uncollected for at least half of the twentieth century.  Walter Benjamin was a German scholar who came of age between the first and second world wars.  This period of German history was marked by political and economic strife, as well as flourishing in the arts and sciences.  Benjamin was acquainted with the greatest of Germany's scholars at the time, though had the unfortunate fate of being Jewish, and perished while trying to flee Europe after the second World War began. 

We are thus very fortunate to have the scholarship that he left behind.  Benjamin was concerned in all of his texts about the formation of modernity during and after the 19th century, especially concerning the relationship of technology to the character and habits of the everyday public.  You may notice that Benjamin's at times sounds a lot like Heidegger's--most notably in the effect on the work of art of its being transported for exhibition.  I'm not sure what Heidegger thought of Benjamin, but we know that Benjamin detested Heidegger, or at least his scholarship; Benjamin was committed to a very leftist ideal, and Heidegger was clearly not.  Nevertheless, they got compared a lot, much to Benjamin's chagrin.  Moreover, Benjamin was very good friends with Heidegger's former student and lifetime lover, the philosopher Hannah Arendt, who, by the way, was Jewish.

"The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction" underscores the major differences between them.  For Benjamin, the question isn't what art has always been forever, but how the significance, particularly the political significance, of art changes at various periods in history.  For Benjamin, Heidegger is laughably a-historical; that he would not deal with art in the age of its mechanical reproducibility would have been produced an audible snore.  This essay, we might want to keep in mind, was completed the same year the Heidegger delivered his lectures in Frankfurt.  Benjamin was at that time a refugee in Paris.

So why 1935?  What would be the point of delivering treatises on art at that time?  The answer has to do with politics and technology.  By 1935, the film industry in Europe was growing, though it wasn't nearly as strong as it was in the US (which incidentally attracted many of depressed and tumultuous Germany's best talent); nevertheless, Europe, like America, was drunk on films, even more so after the advent of the sound film in 1927.  Sound permitted the full illusion of space, completing the sense of absorption into the world of the film started by the invention of continuity editing.  Movies did not mean the death of other arts, though many announced that; they did, however, by 1935, stand as the expressive force to be reckoned with, delivering an unprecedented reproduction of reality to an unprecedented number of people.  Now, we don't know what Heidegger thought of movies, but we can guess at what he thought of the declining importance of the traditional arts.  In 1935, the Nazi party had consolidated power, and had begun to purge Germany of those traditions and people that it did not like.  For Heidegger, this was an opportunity to voice his concern for the aesthetic future of the fatherland; it should be noted that no one in Berlin was listening.  The Nazis embraced photography and film for their power as propaganda, for the photographed world pretends that whatever it represents is already an historical success.  

By contrast, Benjamin concludes that an artwork's mere existence in an age in which it can be mechanically reproduced means that important, gravely important, aspects of it have changed.  Sure, it looks the same.  But it doesn't exist the same way.  For one thing, Benjamin says, mechanical reproduction means that art artwork loses its authenticity, its ability to simply be unique in history, and have been determined by its locations, and only its locations.  This happens for a few reasons.   A mechanically reproduced image carries a whiff of that work's present location, along with its photographic resemblance, all around the world.  Thus, the work of art loses its ability to exist in one place at one time in history, and thus have a history unto itself.  What the work of art is--whatever it is--is no longer authentically a part of it--it now partly belongs to its many reproductions.

Now, as the artwork loses part of its authenticity, it also loses a part of its aura.  Benjamin has a great way of putting this: "the unique phenomenon of a distance no matter how close it may be," it being the work of art.  Benjamin explains that artworks once had aura because they had cult value, that is, a value for ritualistic importance of what they represented, like the Virgin Mary, or the goddess Athena.  This is like in Heidegger when the statue makes the gods present in the greek temple.  Benjamin understands that so much of his culture's tradition in art is based on cult value, and thus he is careful to embrace the its crude demise under the photographic lens--what he likes about the loss of the aura is that it allows for a new political viability for the mechanically produced reproduced artwork, since he believes that the artwork, being massively reproducible, cannot be sacred, and thus he believes that it has the chance to be a message delivered to the masses for whom its function as art might very well be incidental. He is, of course, wary of the cult of personality, but this doesn't dissuade him from demonstrating a guarded political optimism.

We should ask a few questions at this point.  First, how does simply existing in the age of mechanical reproduction effect artworks that haven't been reproduced mechanically?  Clearly we've only seen reproductions of a small handful of history's paintings, and for most people, a trip to the art museum or the gallery means seeing at least a few new things.  Can anyone think of a reason?  Well, for one thing, as Benjamin notes, those of us who grew up in the age of mass entertainment have a different relationship to artworks than those who grew up in the middle of the 19th century.   He writes,

This image makes it easy to comprehend the social bases of the contemporary decay of the aura. It rests on two circumstances, both of which are related to the increasing significance of the masses in contemporary life. Namely, the desire of contemporary masses to bring things "closer" spatially and humanly, which is just as ardent as their bent toward overcoming the uniqueness of every reality by accepting its reproduction.<4> Every day the urge grows stronger to get hold of an object at very close range by way of its likeness, its reproduction. Unmistakably, reproduction as offered by picture magazines and newsreels differs from the image seen by the unarmed eye. Uniqueness and permanence are as closely linked in the latter as are transitoriness and reproducibility in the former. To pry an object from its shell, to destroy its aura, is the mark of a perception whose "sense of the universal equality of things" has increased to such a degree that it extracts it even from a unique object by means of reproduction.

We are thus, according to Benjamin, not already equipped to deal with the work of art for anything outside of its exhibition value, our wish that it act as a scene, and not as an instantiation of cult figures or ideas.  We want to absorb the picture--for us in the age of mechanically produced reality, this is what we do when we see a picture.  According to Benjamin, even if our biology hasn't been changed by photographic processes, that idea that Maynard much later went on to dismiss, film has changed what we believe we should do in front of a picture, or what we expect it to do.  We expect its effects to be immediately ready for our consumption; it is very difficult for us, if not impossible, to understand pictures that require concentration to be fully perceived.  For Benjamin, this concentration comes with living with an artwork, developing habits of seeing it and being with it.  He also notes that we still develop habits with film, though we should note, these are not habits we develop with respect to one particular film. 

Thus in the age of mechanical reproducibility, the artwork changes because mechanical reproducibility changes our expectations for art, and the way we expect art to function.  As we move into video and computers and a new stage of photography, it's important to keep in mind the kinds of viewing habits they require, and how this helps to bring about the newness or rebirth of various media.  Now, we should note that much of what Benjamin discusses becomes somewhat true as time goes on, that is, as we move into the postmodern age.  But here is a question for you to think about: how is Jameson's account of his own present different from the prediction that Benjamin makes about the future?

As you contemplate this, here's a few pictures of Marilyn Monroe.  We talked a bit about these pictures in class, about her imperfect expression in the otherwise publicity-perfect source picture, the special reason why we know it's imperfect, and what Warhol might have found useful in this picture versus the many, many, many others he might have chosen for her.  And then we saw the Richard Avedon portrait.  Perhaps the difference between the Avedon and the Warhol and its source will help to color in the outlines of postmodernism that Jameson draws.  They are in order:


Andy Warhol, American, Marilyn Monroe, 1962
Corbiss Bettman, American, Marilyn Monroe, 1961
Andy Warhol, American, Marilyn Monroe, 1962
Richard Avedon, American, Marilyn Monroe, 1957


Thursday, July 1, 2010

Paper Assignment.

2000-2500 words, due June 28th.

You have TWO possibilities:

ONE:

Your assignment will be to trace the representation of (1) aspect of modernity through (3) works from different media from the mid-19th century to the present.  Of these 3 media, at least (2) must be "new"--new, that is, to the time period of this class.  That means (1) may be a traditional medium--painting, sculpture, architecture, printmaking, etc.  Moreover at least (1) of your media must be "physically" available--a print of a photograph, a painting, a video on the monitor--not a republication. 

For instance, we've "traced" the representation of the train--absolutely an aspect of modernity--through paintings, photographs, and films.  We could have chosen radio, television, and digital media to do the same, though you can imagine why it was probably best to do this with 19th and early 20th century technologies.  We also did so in a much more cursory way than I expect you to do in your papers.  The benefit of this tracing was that it provided our analysis with a constant among the different media, which in turn allowed their structural differences to show themselves more clearly.  Each work also revealed different complex attitudes about the train.  To what extent this is a function of the period, the artist, or the particularities of medium, will be a major part of your investigation--the ultimate purpose of which is to account for the medium's role in delivering a message.

Your tracing will involve research that takes into consideration the historical circumstances surrounding each work's production and time period--you will be footnoting your references and producing a works cited page.  It will also involve close and deep analysis of the work's aesthetics.  How does the work work?  And your paper must have an overall argument and thesis statement.  I do not want a book report--I want a clear statement of the problem, a deep historical and interpretive analysis, and a surprising resulting argument.

I also do not want you to regurgitate things I've said in class.  You may come to conclusions similar to what I or the readings have, or you may use things you've heard or read in class in your analysis for sure, but I want YOUR thoughts and analysis and research.  Their impressiveness is what you will be graded on.

Possible topics include but are hardly limited to:

Electricity
Steel and its use in architecture
Masses/Crowds
The Streetcar
The Motorcar
The Airplane
The Train
A particular medium like television itself
Industrial commodity production
Factory work
The theory of evolution
The theory of relativity
Nuclear technology
The threat and decimation of the Indian
The threat and extinction of the grizzly bear
Mechanized warfare
Superheroes
Advertising
National socialism
Etc.

TWO:

If you have a super great topic come see me in office hours for approval.

Paper Assignment

Paper Assignment

2000-2500 words, due June 28th.

You have TWO possibilities:

ONE:

The difficulty of a class about the history of "new media" is that for each new media there is a new story to tell that exists within the larger story we call "History."  Since this is an art history course, and since art, for the most part, is a social phenomenon, the History we have touched upon has mostly been that of living and working conditions, and not the history of wars, or political regimes, or law, or science.  It is important to keep this in mind, since all of these latter histories also part of the story of art, even if they can't be a part of this class.

Having said that, your assignment will be to trace the representation (1) aspect of modernity through (3) works from different media from the mid-19th century to the present.  Of these 3 media, at least (2) must be "new"--new, that is, to the time period of this class.  That means (1) may be a traditional medium--painting, sculpture, architecture, printmaking, etc.  Moreover at least (1) of your media must be "physically" available--a print of a photograph, a painting, a video on the monitor--not a republication. 

For instance, we've "traced" the representation of the train--absolutely an aspect of modernity--through painting, photography, and film.  We could have chosen radio, television, and digital (computer-based) media to do the same, though perhaps it was best to deal with the train in a mix of 19th and 20th century technologies.  We also did so in a much more cursory way than I expect you to do in your papers.  That said, the benefit of this tracing was that it allowed for a constant among the different media, which in turn allowed the representational differences among these various media, in different times, to show themselves most clearly.  Indeed, each medium also revealed different attitudes towards the train.  To what extent this is a function of the time, the artist, the medium, is part of your investigation--whose ultimate purpose is to account for what difference the medium brings to a message. 

Your tracing will involve a bit of research, and must take in to consideration the historical circumstances surrounding each work's production and time period--you will be footnoting your references and producing a works cited page.  It will also involve close and deep analysis of the work's aesthetic properties of communication.  How does the work work?  Your paper must have an overall argument and thesis statement.  I do not want a book report--I want a statement of the problem, historical and interpretive analysis, and a well-supported argument.

I also do not want you to regurgitate things I've said in class.  You may come to similar conclusions than I have, or the readings have, or you may use things you've heard or read in class in your analysis for sure, but I want YOUR thoughts and analysis and research.  This is what you will be graded on.

Possible topics include but are hardly limited to:

Electricity
Steel and its use in architecture
Masses/Crowds
The Streetcar
The Motorcar
The Airplane
The Train
A particular medium like television itself
Industrial commodity production
The theory of evolution
The theory of relativity
Nuclear technology
The threat and extinction of the Indian
The threat and extinction of the grizzly bear
Mechanized warfare
Advertising
National socialism
Etc.

TWO:

Come see me in office hours if you have a super great topic for approval.

Wednesday, June 30, 2010

Television and Video Art.

Though television shows motion pictures, its history is not like that of film.  For one thing, television was the gradual result of technological advancements scattered throughout Europe and the United States.  For another, television, at least in the United States, was perfected to mimic broadcast radio.  And like radio, it was thus a medium whose content was determined by those who made the machine.

Broadcasting was therefore inseparable from the idea of television, at least until the debut of consumer video technology in the late 1960s and 1970s.  By that time, television was not only synonymous with broadcasting, it was associated with a standardized rhythm of seeing, conditioned by everything from shot length to commercial breaks.  David Antin's essay "Television: Video's Frightful Parent" makes a number of interesting claims about video art practice's bloodline with the broadcasting that would seem, at least at the level of content, to be a very distant relative.  The first claim seeks to explain why video art seems so especially boring: the answer he offers is that broadcast television, or commercial television, has conditioned our viewing expectations not just at the level of production values, but at the level of time.  As he notes, we rarely ever see more than 12 minutes of any particular program at any given time; within an hour we can be subject to more than 20 different "segments," whether programming or commercial.  Given that television, as an object, has since its public introduction been inseparable from broadcasting for most viewers, including those seeking the experience of high art, Antin almost notes something rather perceptive: that television never had a "modernist" moment, unlike the arts that video practitioners seek to be seen with, as Benjamin Buchloh frequently reminds us.  This is true to the extent that one of modernism's central goals was to rediscover what was essential to its materials and build a practice upon that. 

Thus we are bored because we are prejudiced.  But Benjamin Buchloh wants to challenge this claim a bit, and does so with respect to Martha Rosler's video "A Simple Case for Torture," which we'll watch some of in a minute.  As he notes, no one should be expected to stand in a gallery for more than 30 minutes.  I ask you: is he right? 

Another important claim that Antin makes is a very old one--money determines aesthetics.  This has been true for many, many centuries--as I mentioned yesterday, when we think of painting we think of someone responding with pigment to an inspiration, but the painting of the Renaissance, for example--so fundamental to our inspirations, even now--was never made this way.  It was always work-for-hire, with contracts drawn up between client and painter on the basis of a preliminary drawing and a promise of particular qualities of pigment, right down to the weight or concentration of their pigments.  It's pretty funny for us to read how much the video equipment cost in 1975, just to make things that look far shittier than we get from the cameras on our phones--but it's not as if no one recognized their shabbiness, obviously.  How did video artists respond to their lack of refined materials for production?

Here are a list of some of the videos we watched in class.  You can find most on YouTube:

Nam June Paik and Charlotte Moorman, TV Cello, 1967
Richard Serra, Television Delivers People, 1969
Dara Birnbaum, Technology/Transformation: Wonder Woman, 1978
Dara Birnbaum, The Damnation of Faust: Evocation, 1983
Jenny Holzer, Sign on a Truck, 1984
Martha Rosler, A Simple Case for Torture, 1983
Martin Arnold, Passage a l'acte, 1993